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strongWhy is it that more than two thirds of the worldrsquo;s poor are women, although women are only half of the worldrsquo;s population?/strongbr /
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strongDiscrimination/strong is a key driver of poverty and women often face discrimination on multiple grounds ndash; they may be denied their rights because they are women and because they belong to a marginalized group. br /
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Women living in poverty also face discrimination simply because they are poor. This discrimination can mean that women are excluded from access to justice, protection or services. br /
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In some countries discrimination is built into the laws, while in many other countries it persists despite equality laws. br /
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Women are often responsible for providing for their families, though are often paid less than men for the same work, do work in the informal sector with no job security and have less access to resources such as land, credit and inheritance rights. br /
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Many women living in poverty donrsquo;t have access to healthcare because they canrsquo;t afford to pay for it or reach health services. Women in South Africa, particularly black women, are disproportionately affected by poverty and the HIV pandemic. br /
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Transport costs are high in relation to peoplersquo;s income and women living in poor rural communities often find it difficult to reach hospitals and maintain their treatment. Many women donrsquo;t have adequate food, which is essential for coping with the side effectives of anti-retroviral medication. br /
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Womenrsquo;s low social status compounds the problem as when therersquo;s not enough food to go around, they are likely to be the last to eat. br /
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The discrimination women face is linked to violence against women. It shapes the forms of violence that a woman experiences. It also makes some women more likely to be targeted for certain forms of violence because they have less social status than other women and because perpetrators know such women are less likely to report abuse or seek assistance. br /
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strongCaught in cycles of poverty and violence/strongbr /
Violence, for women, is both a cause and a consequence of poverty – violence keeps women poor, and poor women are most exposed to violence. Women who suffer from violence lose income and their capacity to earn a wage is impaired. br /
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Being poor may make women make difficult choices which puts them or keeps them at risk from violence. A woman who is economically dependent on her abusive partner may see no way to support herself and her children if she leaves. br /
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A girl who becomes pregnant as a result of a rape may find herself excluded from school, with fewer prospects of finding safe work and an independent future.br /
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Poverty is widespread in Haiti and many parents in rural areas make the choice to send their children to cities in the hope that their life chances will be improved. More than 100,000 girls between 6 and 17 in Haiti are in domestic service. br /
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Children in domestic service work long hours doing domestic chores, looking after other children in the family and selling goods in markets and are provided lodging. Far from their relatives and friends, and trapped in a situation of total dependence on their employers, many girls are exposed to physical abuse and sexual violence. With virtually no one concerned for their welfare and few prospects of finding safer work, these girls live a lonely, isolated and vulnerable existence. br /
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strongWomenrsquo;s lives, menrsquo;s decisions/strongbr /
Poverty can restrict womenrsquo;s opportunities to make choices about their own lives. This can be exacerbated by custom, culture and religion which often combine to deny women access to decision-making processes and even crucial choices over their lives and bodies, such as whether to become mothers. In the Philippines, government policies limit womenrsquo;s control over whether and when to become pregnant as policies prioritise lsquo;naturalrsquo; family planning methods such as periodic abstinence or withdrawal. br /
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Lack of access to free contraception hits poor women hard as they struggle to find the money to buy the contraception they need, especially at a time of economic crisis when the costs of goods and commodities are rising. Up to three quarters of sexually active adolescents do not use any contraception. br /
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Childbirth is a high risk activity in the Philippines, where ten women die every day from complications related to pregnancy and childbirth. High rates of maternal death are compounded by a total ban on abortion meaning that if women do find that they have a mistimed or unwanted pregnancy, they are left with few safe options. At least 400,000 Filipino women resort to clandestine abortions every year and estimate suggest that around 800 women die each year from complications from unsafe abortions. br /
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strongGirls miss out on education/strongbr /
Violence and poverty often combine to trap women in difficult situations though education can provide an escape route. Getting an education can open up the possibility of economic independence, increasing womenrsquo;s choices of how to live their lives. Education is a human right, yet more than 55 millions girls worldwide do not attend school as violence and discrimination impede girlsrsquo; access to education. br /
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In Tajikistan, many families cannot afford the basic essentials needed for their childrenrsquo;s schooling ndash; text books, clothes and transport. So rather than sending girls to school, they prioritize the education of boys, who are likely to earn more in later life. Many girls do not complete their education but instead care for family members, work in the fields or at the market, or get married at an early age. A lack of education not only reduces womenrsquo;s chances of economic independence, but also the possibility of them learning about their rights. br /
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strongWomen speak out /strongbr /
When women know they have rights, they will claim them despite all the obstacles they face. There are inspiring examples to be found throughout the world. Whether acting as human rights defenders or simply as members of their families and communities, women drive social progress and human rights advancement for all. In some countries, women are active participants in the political process and have made significant strides towards political and economic equality. br /
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strongProgress on paper/strongbr /
Sustained progress by womenrsquo;s rights activists over the past decade has brought significant advances in the international communityrsquo;s commitment to the advancement of womenrsquo;s rights. At the international level there are legally binding agreements to protect and promote womenrsquo;s rights while equality between men and women is a key principle reflected in all human rights standards. At national level there are laws in many countries to protect womenrsquo;s rights, though these laws do little to improve the lives of women if they are not enforced. br /
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There are no legitimate excuses to explain why governments have failed to fully implement and make effective the national and international laws passed over the last few decades to end violence against women and end discrimination and despite the leaps forward, many womenrsquo;s lives have hardly improved. Women continue to be the most affected by poverty, violence, environmental degradation and disease. One thing is certain: equality and rights can only be achieved when women actively participate in political processes and when their voices are heard. br /
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strongThe way forward/strongbr /
States and international institutions must work harder to protect womenrsquo;s rights, but everyone one of us has a role in creating the political will for change. We can challenge our governments to improve womenrsquo;s rights at home, and all around the world, though international cooperation. br /
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In September 2009, all government agreed to the creation of a strong new United Nations agency for women. This agency will have greater capacity to help the UN and governments to ensure women and girls around the world enjoy their rights in practice. This new agency urgently needs sustained political commitment and funding to succeed.
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a href=http://www.amnesty.org/en/gearTake action to support the creation of a strong new womenrsquo;s agency at the UN/a and to stop violence against women in a href=http://www.amnesty.org/en/appeals-for-action/south-africa-address-barriers-treatment-women-HIVSouth Africa/a and a href=http://www.amnesty.org/en/appeals-for-action/protect-girls-domestic-labour-haiti-181109Haiti/a
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img src=http://www.amnesty.org/sites/impact.amnesty.org/files/imagecache/previewsize/sites/impact.amnesty.org/files/PUBLIC/Regions/ECA/russia-anna-politkovskaya-100×100.jpg alt= title= /br/br /
Human rights activists in Russia and the North Caucasus face increasing violence and intimidation three years after the murder of journalist Anna Politkovskaya, Amnesty International said on Monday.br /
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In a letter to Russian President Dmitry Medvedev, Amnesty International urged him to take genuine steps to stop the attacks and for his administration to demonstrate a commitment to bring the perpetrators of such crimes to justice.br /
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ldquo;That those who murdered Anna Politkovskaya and ordered her killing remain free reflects a failure by the Russian authorities to fully investigate such crimes,rdquo; said Irene Khan, Secretary General of Amnesty International.br /
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A number of people who have spoken out against human rights violations in the country, including human rights activists, lawyers and journalists, have been killed or faced intimidation, most likely as a result of the work they were doing.br /
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In January this year, Stanislav Markelov, a lawyer who had been working closely with Anna Politkovskaya, was shot dead in Moscow. Anastasia Baburova, a journalist, was gunned down at his side.br /
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Attacks against those working to protect human rights are common in the North Caucasus. On 15 July, Natalia Estemirova of the Memorial Human Rights Centre was abducted in Grozny, the capital of the Chechen Republic. Her body was found later the same day in Ingushetia.br /
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Natalia Estemirova had received a number of threats in connection with her human rights work.br /
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Her killing has taken place in a climate when human rights activists have been verbally attacked by the Chechen authorities, who accuse them of being supporters of illegal armed groups.br /
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Amnesty International condemns comments of high ranking officials given around the time of her killing.br /
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In early July, Adam Delimkhanov, a member of the Russian Parliament and a close ally of Chechen President Ramzan Kadyrov, was shown on Chechen TV, threatening ldquo;so-called human rights defenders, who support terrorists.rdquo; In an interview with Radio Liberty shortly after Natalia Estemirovarsquo;s murder, President Ramzan Kadyrov dismissed her work as irrelevant and described her as a person who lsquo;never had any honour or sense of shame.rsquo;br /
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ldquo;It is of the utmost importance that the investigations into the killings of Natalia Estemirova, Stanislav Markelov, Anastasia Baburova and Anna Politkovskaya are conducted in an independent and impartial manner, and, where grounds exist, do not stop short of investigating possible links with government officials, including the highest government officials,rdquo; Irene Khan said.br /
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Amnesty International in particular continues to be concerned about the safety of Natalia Estemirovarsquo;s colleagues from Memorial offices in the North Caucasus and in Moscow.br /
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Akhmed Gisaev had been working with Natalia Estemirova and, shortly before her killing, had been researching together with her a case of alleged extrajudicial execution in a Chechen village.He reported that he was being followed and had been threatened that he might meet the same fate.br /
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Other recent attacks include Zarema Saidulaeva, head of the humanitarian organization Letrsquo;s Save the Generation, and her husband, Alik Dzhabrailov, who were both killed on 11 August. They were abducted from their office in Grozny by men identifying themselves as law enforcement officials, and a few hours later they were found dead in the boot of their car.br /
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The office of Mothers of Dagestan for Human Rightsin Makhachkala, capital of Dagestan was recently burned down.nbsp; Two representatives of this organization, Svetlana Isaeva and Gulnara Rustamova, as well as other human rights activists, lawyers and journalists from Dagestan, were named as aiders and abetters of members of illegal armed groups in leaflets distributed in Makhachkala. The leaflet called for a ldquo;blood feudrdquo; against these people.br /
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ldquo;It is time President Medvedev showed the political will to protect people that stand up for human rights in Russia. He must act now to end the climate of fear and intimidation,rdquo; Irene Khan said.br /
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Amnesty International has called on President Medvedev to ensure that all these crimes are fully investigated and that those responsible are brought to justice in trials that meet international standards. Three years on from the murder of Anna Poilitkovskaya, the Russian authorities must take action to end the attacks against those working to protect human rights in the country.br /

img src=http://www.amnesty.org/sites/impact.amnesty.org/files/imagecache/previewsize/sites/impact.amnesty.org/files/PUBLIC/Regions/MENA/iran-abbas-hosseini-100×100.jpg alt= title= /br/Amnesty International has welcomed a move by the Iranian authorities to postpone the execution of an Afghan national accused of commiting a murder while still a child.br /
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Abbas Hosseini was set to be executed on Monday, but judicial authorities in the city of Mashhad reportedly agreed to the postponement to allow more time to persuade the victimrsquo;s family to accept financial compensation in return for settling the case.br /
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No new date for the execution is known to have been set yet.br /
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Amnesty International urges the Iranian authorities to review his sentence so that he no longer faces the death penalty. As he was under 18 at the time of the alleged crime, his execution is strictly prohibited under international law.br /
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Abbas Hosseini was sentenced to death in June 2004 for the murder of a man whom he said had tried to rape him in July 2003. br /
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Hosseini was due to be executed on 1 May 2005, but was granted a one-week stay of execution at the last minute to give the victimrsquo;s family another opportunity to accept payment of emdiyeh/em, or blood money, a form of financial compensation for the blood relatives of the man who died.br /
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In the meantime, the Head of the Judiciary ordered the local judiciary in Mashhad not to proceed with the execution and Abbas Hosseinirsquo;s case was sent for review. On 27 April 2008, the Supreme Court sent the case for retrial on account of Hosseinirsquo;s age at the time of the crime. He was sentenced to death again on 5 August 2008 by the General Juvenile Court in Mashhad.br /
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This sentence was upheld on 29 December 2008 by Branch 33 of the Supreme Court and was given final approval by the Head of the Judiciary, paving the way for the execution which was to take place Monday.br /
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Amnesty International believes that the protracted judicial uncertainty surrounding the review and retrial of his case, and the repeated halting at the last minute of his scheduled executions, do nothing except compound his suffering, and that of his family.br /
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Since 1990, at least 41 alleged juvenile offenders have been executed in Iran and over 140 are known to remain on death row. At least three have been executed so far in 2009, in breach of Iranrsquo;s international obligations under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the Convention on the Rights of the Child which unequivocally ban the execution of juvenile offenders.

strongTestimony from Marvin Ortiz, a journalist with Radio Globo in Honduras /strongbr /
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On Monday at 5am, we started broadcasting with our normal schedule, starting with the Radio Globo news from 5 to 8am, presented by the director of our radio station and two other journalists. At around 5.20am, the heard someone beating on the door and people shouting quot;get outside!quot;. They were soldiers and police who had come to confiscate all the radio equipment.br /
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My colleagues heard the sound of shots aimed at the lock on the door, as if to break it and get inside the building. At that moment, several journalists decided to jump from the third floor of the radio station building. Now theyrsquo;re bruised and wounded. Luckily, a passerby saw them, gave them first aid and took them to a safe place.br /
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When the soldiers and police entered the radio station, without warning, they took all the equipment, everything you need to run the radio, computers, microphones, the console, the telephone switchboard, the amplifiers, and even the aerials. They destroyed the news table. They took everything away in a police patrol car.br /
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After that they started to occupy the building. As well as the radio station, a state agency also works in the same building ndash; the National Register of Persons ndash; and when the staff of that agency arrived, the police wouldnrsquo;t let them in. All they could do was punch in their time cards and go home.br /
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I arrived at the radio station at around 7am. I was with a colleague. Straight away the police and soldiers started to harass us. They threatened and harassed us. They took photos of us and insulted us. br /
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They confiscated the equipment of several journalists who were covering the shut-down of the radio, and arrested some of them. br /
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Everybody left the building at around 9am.br /
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All of this happened because of an Executive Decree issued by the de facto government led by Roberto Micheletti, which suspends Honduransrsquo; constitutional guarantees and restricts freedom of expression. The Decree specifically mentioned Radio Globo and Canal 36 [TV station], which has also been shut down.br /
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Since the coup drsquo;eacute;tat, Radio Globo has maintained its stance of informing the public about what has been happening in our country. We condemn the coup drsquo;etat. We give a space to people to express themselves freely and to make their complaints.br /
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There are around 50 of us who work at the radio station, including reporters, presenters, operators and administrative staff. There is a high level of persecution directed against us and a lot of fear. We never feel safe. br /
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A lot of people gathered near the radio station to protest against the [de facto] governmentrsquo;s decision to close it down. br /
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At the moment, Radio Globo is only operating via the Internet at a href=http://www.radiohonduras.com title=www.radiohonduras.comwww.radiohonduras.com/a. Yesterday [Monday], we had about 400,000 listeners. People are waiting to see what happens to the radio station. br /
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Following the intervention of several human rights organizations, the military and police decided to end their occupation of the radio station. A group of lawyers are working at the moment to ensure that the radio can start to operate again without restrictions on its broadcasts. br /
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Today [Tuesday], there are only two of us here, both presenters. Wersquo;re broadcasting via the internet because the ban, the Decree, doesnrsquo;t allow us to broadcast using a radio frequency.br /
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Threats, repression and arrests of journalists continue, but we reporters continue working. We have to go to where the news is happening but itrsquo;s frightening because we know that there could be repression against us, especially because they already know who we are. They know wersquo;re part of the Radio Globo team. br /
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We have a commitment to the people, to our profession and to our family.br /
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In spite of everything, wersquo;re going to carry on, informing.

img src=http://www.amnesty.org/sites/impact.amnesty.org/files/imagecache/previewsize/sites/impact.amnesty.org/files/PUBLIC/Regions/ASA/srilanka-menik-farm-group-100×100.jpg alt= title= /br/The Government of Sri Lanka announced a plan on 23 May to resettle most civilians displaced by conflict by the end of the year. The governmentrsquo;s target of 80% was later revised downward to 60%. br /
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The 180-day process was to include both people newly displaced by fighting in the north, as well as people who had been displaced for extended periods of time. br /
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Some Sri Lankan families have been displaced for years or decades and the process of resettling them has been ongoing. Minister of Resettlement and Disaster Relief Services Rishad Bathiudeen told Sri Lankarsquo;s Parliament in August that the Government had re-settled more 59,000 war-displaced families in recent months, mainly victims of earlier displacements in the east. br /
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According to UN relief statistics, as of 28 August, 266,567 people displaced by conflict in the north after 1 April 2009 remained in camps and hospitals. This is down from about 280,000 in June. Almost 250,000 of them were in Vavuniya district.br /
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The Governmentrsquo;s plan to return people to their places of origin has four phases, with families from eastern Sri Lanka and Jaffna returned first, followed by Vavuniya, Mannar and finally from the former LTTE strongholds of Kilinochchi and Mullaitivu. The Office of the President is responsible for coordinating this plan. br /
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By the end of August, 6,490 people were reported to have been released from camps to stay with host families or in eldersrsquo; homes by the end of August. The majority of these people were elderly or disabled.nbsp; 5,123 people were returned to Jaffna, Vavuniya, Mannar, Trincomalee, Batticaloa and Ampara districts between 5 August and 28 August. br /
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On 26 August, some 800 Hindu and Catholic priests were released from camps for displaced people in Vavuniya. On 20 August, 130 people displaced in 2006 were moved from sites in Batticaloa District to Trincomalee District, but they were unable to return home because their land is within a military-designated High Security Zone. They have been accommodated in a school and another public building.